Imperialism Is the Eve of Proletarian Socialist Revolution
10. Imperialism Is the Eve of Proletarian Socialist Revolution
Imperialism Is Decaying and Moribund Capitalism 1
After capitalism develops from free competition to the monopoly stage, its various contradictions intensify. These contradictions, like volcanos, threaten the existence of imperialism. The life of imperialism is then limited. Despite its fierce facade, imperialism is a paper tiger. Imperialism is the eve of socialist revolution.
Imperialism Is Parasitic or Decaying Capitalism
The Stagnating Tendency of the Development of Production and Technology
When capitalism develops into imperialism, it begins to decay and decline. Imperialism is parasitic or decaying capitalism. The decaying nature of imperialism is brought about by monopoly rule. Monopoly is the economic basis of the decaying nature of imperialism.
The decaying nature of imperialism is primarily manifested in the serious obstruction of the development of productive forces by the monopoly organization. It artificially prevents technical progress and ushers a stagnating tendency into the development of production and technology. Before monopoly, the capitalist cannot neglect technological advancement in his pursuit of excess profits at the expense of his competitors. In the monopoly stage, because the monopoly capitalist controls an absolute majority of some production sectors, he can obtain high monopoly profits by setting monopoly prices. Thus, the motive to adopt advanced technology is weakened to a certain degree. Under monopoly rule, the capitalist is afraid that advanced technology may weaken his monopoly position. He often artificially obstructs the development of new technology.
Why is the monopoly capitalist so afraid of advanced technology and why does he obstruct it? First, the widespread adoption of new technology and new equipment almost certainly reduces the cost of products and increases output. But it will also result in capital loss or the obsolescence of his original machines and equipment and bring about invisible depreciation; second, the adoption of new technology and equipment will lead to competition from similar and cheaper commodities which may threaten his monopoly position. The monopoly capitalist often reduces production to maintain monopoly prices and extract high monopoly profits. Therefore, many new techniques and inventions beneficial to the development of production are put aside once their patents have been bought by the monopoly capitalist. For example, the technology of artificial petroleum is detrimental to the monopoly of the petroleum companies and has been put aside for exactly twenty years. The invention of atomic energy is a great scientific achievement, but it is used by imperialism to make atomic weapons for aggression and not fully used as motive power for industry.
The obstruction of the development of production and technology by monopoly results in a gradual decline in the rate of capitalist expanded reproduction. Take the United States as an example. Its industrial production increased by about 3.9 times during the thirty years from 1871 to 1900. But in the thirty years [sic] from 1901 to 1929, it increased by only 2.7 times. In the thirty years from 1930 to 1959, the average (annual) rate of increase in industrial production was only 4.4 percent. The decreasing rate of development in United States production fully exposes the decaying nature of imperialism.
The appearance of a stagnating and decaying tendency in the development of production and technology in the imperialist stage does not mean that the development of production technology in the imperialist countries has come to a standstill. Lenin pointed out:
“Should we think that this decaying tendency precludes any rapid development of capitalism, we would be mistaken. No, in the imperialist phase, individual industrial fields, individual bourgeois classes or strata, and individual countries will manifest in different degrees first this tendency and then that tendency.” 2
This is because free competition leads to monopoly. But monopoly by no means eliminates competition. It only makes competition more acute or ruthless. In competition, various monopoly capital groups adopt violence, bribery, deception, and fraud to eliminate competitors. At the same time, the relative economic strength among various major capitalist countries may change. Under the general tendency of frustrated development of productive forces, the position of some capitalist countries may deteriorate, but the position of others may improve. Therefore, in the monopoly stage, the development of production and technology in the imperialist countries suffers a general stagnating tendency. But this by no means precludes the possibility of more rapid development in the production technology of a particular period, individual, or sector.
In the imperialist phase, the production technology of individual countries may undergo more rapid development. But it is often temporary and exceptional. Take Japan as an example. In the 19501971 period, Japan’s national product increased by an average annual rate of more than 10 percent. This trend cannot long be maintained. This faster development of Japan’s production was a result of substantial help from United States imperialism to the monopoly capital of Japan. The aggressive wars against Korea and Vietnam by United States imperialism brought windfall profits to the monopoly capitalists of Japan. During the aggressive war against Korea in the 195053 period, United States imperialism paid Japan at least 2 billion dollars for military “special needs” orders. During the aggressive war against Vietnam, United States imperialism’s payment to Japan for “special needs” amounted to 300400 million dollars per year in the first half of the 1960s. From 1965 onward, it increased to 500600 million dollars per year. United States imperialism also gave large quantities of loans to the monopoly capital of Japan, invested directly in Japan’s heavy industry, and exported a large number of technical patents to Japan. At the same time, Japanese monopoly capital cruelly exploited the domestic laboring people and received large amounts of subsidies from the state budget. All these also contributed to the fast development of Japan’s industry. The undervalued Japanese yen made Japanese goods very competitive in the world market. The above shows that the factors that promoted the development of Japan’s industry cannot last long. The fast development of the Japanese economy is not only temporary but also abnormal and without foundations. First, along with the blind development of Japanese industry, agricultural production steadily declined. After the Second World War, the production of wheat cereals in Japan plummeted, the production of beans decreased substantially, and rice production has declined since 1968. From 1960 to 1970, the self-sufficiency rate of Japan’s food products fell from 90 percent to 73 percent. Second, raw materials are largely imported and commodities depend heavily on the export market. The import ratio of ten major items of raw materials, including copper, aluminum, iron ore, petroleum, and coal, was 71 percent in 1960 and increased to 90 percent in 1970. The export ratio of Japanese industrial products increased from 18.3 percent in 1950 to 30.1 percent in 1969, including 46.4 percent of synthetic fiber woven goods, 67.4 percent of sewing machines, and 68.9 percent of ships. These facts show that the foundation of Japan’s economic development is very shaky. It is impossible to sustain development at present rates on a long-term basis. The tendency toward stagnation will inevitably dominate.
The Militarization of the National Economy Seriously Undermines the Social Productive Force
The militarization of the national economy runs into a blind alley that imperialist economic development must ultimately follow. It is an inevitable result of the development of the inherent contradictions of capitalism and is also a concrete manifestation of the increasingly decaying nature of imperialism. To reduce the contradiction between the growth of capitalist productive forces and inadequate effective demand for the laboring masses and to avoid economic crises and redivide the world to obtain high monopoly profits, imperialism madly expands rearmament to prepare for wars. An increasing amount of the national income is used to support a large army, make weapons, support war-related research, and engage in imperialist aggressive wars.
The militarization of the national economy in the imperialist countries is first expressed in the increase of military expenditures. After the Second World War, the share of military defense expenditures in the United States budget steadily increased. From 1946 to 1970, direct United States military expenditures totaled 1,100 billion dollars, averaging 45 billion dollars a year. In the 197273 fiscal year, direct military expenditures totaled 78.3 billion dollars. With 11.7 billion dollars as subsidies for veterans and 3.2 billion dollars for the space program, the three items added up to 93.2 billion dollars. It was also manifested in the increasing shares of industrial production and scientific research in armament industries and military scientific research. A large amount of the labor force was transferred from the production sphere of social wealth to armament industries and military scientific research fields. In 196768, the level of employment in United States armament production in several sectors and its ratio to the total labor force were: 126,900 in electronic equipment, or 33.8 percent; 256,900 in radio equipment, television sets, and telecommunications tools, or 38.6 percent; and 615,900 in aircraft and accessories, or 72.4 percent. Of the total United States scientific and technical manpower, two-thirds is related to armament and space research. In the United States labor force of 77 million (excluding armed forces), about 20 percent depends on armament orders from the Defense Department.
The general militarization of the national economy in the imperialist countries led to serious unfavorable consequences. In recent years, the United States has spent about 100 billion dollars on armament and aggression. The products are either used to murder people in the battlefield and destroy social wealth or, if stored away, soon become scrap. They may become “obsolete” before even leaving the plant when new weapons are invented. The militarization of the national economy has brought about strange results: the inflationary expansion of the armament industry and the deflationary contraction of civilian industries. In the past twenty years, the production of guided missiles, aircrafts, and space vehicles in the aeronautics and space industries in the United States has increased its value by six times. On the other hand, the development of civilian industries has been slow. Some industries have had to reduce production. Take the textile industry as an example. The output in 1970 was only 88 percent that of 1950. The policy of aggression and wars pursued by imperialism and the militarization of the national economy led to an immense waste of manpower, goods, and wealth and to great destruction of social wealth. This is a notable feature of the decaying nature of imperialism.
The Bourgeoisie Increasingly Becomes a Stratum That Thrives Solely on Interest
The parasitic and decaying nature of imperialism is further manifested by the bourgeoisie’s increasingly becoming a stratum that thrives solely on interest. This so-called stratum that thrives on interest refers to those who have lost all connection with the production process and ‘live on interest.” The bourgeoisie has never been engaged in production labor and has led an extravagant life by exploiting the worker. In the stage of imperialism, the parasitic nature of the bourgeoisie develops further. Capitalist enterprises are wholly managed by specialized managerial personnel. The bourgeoisie, especially the monopoly bourgeoisie, is completely divorced from the production process and lives a parasitic life solely on income from stocks and shares. Lenin pointed out long ago, “Imperialism is simply a great concentration of money capital in a few countries,” “and thus the stratum of people who live on interest and do not work increases rapidly.” 3 For example, the income from dividends and individual interest in the United States in 1950 totaled 19.5 billion dollars. In 1963, it reached 50.3 billion dollars, an increase of 157 percent. The national income increased by only 102 percent in the same period. In 1970, the income from dividends and individual interest in the United States reached 89.7 billion dollars. The United States monopoly bosses lead extravagant lives with the income from exploitation. Some bosses of financial groups not only build villas, golf courses, and hunting grounds, using a lot of land for their own pleasure, but also show off their riches to each other. In 1964, one big United States monopoly capitalist named Ford spent half a million dollars for a party to celebrate his daughter’s birthday. Not too long afterward, another big monopoly capitalist named Mellon spent a million dollars on a party to introduce his daughter to “society” to impress Ford. This incident fully exposed the parasitic nature of the monopoly bourgeoisie.
Another feature of imperialism is a rapid increase in capital export. With the increase in capital export, a few rich countries can become interest earning countries that specialize in exploiting the people of colonies and satellite countries, being parasites on many economically underdeveloped countries. According to statistics, from 1950 to 1970 the interest from direct private United States investment reached 88.77 billion dollars, 14 percent higher than the total amount of direct private foreign investment up to the end of 1970. Direct United States investment in Latin America was 3 billion dollars in 1946 and increased to 11.7 billion dollars in 1969. But in these twenty-four years, interest derived from direct investment in Latin American countries which was paid to the United States alone amounted to 23.49 billion dollars, much higher than the net amount of direct United States investment.
United States interest derived from overseas is largely remitted annually to the United States to be spent by a handful of monopoly bourgeoisie. In the 19601970 period, remitted interest reached 43.4 billion dollars. During this period, unremitted interest amounting to 19 billion dollars was used for reinvestment to increase foreign exploitation. Thus, with United States imperial132 ism’s annual increase in foreign investment and interest, its parasitic nature also increased yearly.
All this shows that capital export is a solid foundation for imperialism’s oppression and exploitation of the majority of nations and countries and a solid foundation for the parasitic capitalism of a few rich countries.
The Appearance of Worker-Elites Is Another Manifestation of the Parasitic Nature of Capitalism
The parasitic nature of imperialism is inevitably reflected in the labor movement. The formation of worker-elites and the appearance of revisionism are reflections of the parasitic nature of imperialism in the labor movement. Lenin pointed out:
“Interest-earning countries are parasitic and decaying capitalist countries. This condition cannot but have effects on all social and political conditions of these countries, especially on two basic factions in the labor movement.” 4
The monopoly bourgeoisie plunders and exploits the proletariat of colonies, satellite countries, and their own countries to obtain large amounts of high monopoly profits. To suppress opposition from the toiling masses, they use a small part of the huge monopoly profits to bribe a number of scabs to become agents of the monopoly bourgeoisie. These are worker-elites who get high salaries and live like the bourgeoisie, serving the monopoly bourgeois class. They mingle with the workers and specialize in selling out the interests of the working class and subverting worker movements. These worker-elites are loyal running dogs of the monopoly bourgeoisie of the imperialist countries.
High profits from monopoly capital are the economic basis of revisionism in the labor movement. Under imperialist conditions and with the appearance of the worker-elites, a revisionist theory and line to protect imperialist rule emerges. The worker-elites are bourgeois elements disguised as workers. Revisionism is a bourgeois class theory under the guise of Marxism. The worker-elites and revisionists are the most treacherous hidden enemies in the labor movement, and they may be regarded as boils on the body. If these boils are not completely removed, imperialism will maintain its decaying condition for a longer period of time. But just as Lenin pointed out, “The rapid and vicious development of opportunism does not assure its victory.” 5 Lenin further pointed out, ‘If the struggle against imperialism is not closely associated with the struggle against opportunism, then it is just so many empty words.” 6
Toward Total Political Reaction and the Steady Increase in the Severity of Social Crises
In the stage of capitalist free competition, the bourgeoisie still uses “democracy,” “freedom,” “equality,” and “universal love” as guises to conceal the truth of bourgeois dictatorship. In the stage of imperialism, these thin “veils” are steadily trimmed down. Whoever opposes oppression and exploitation will be cruelly suppressed. Lenin pointed out:
“The political superstructure of this new economic order, namely, monopoly capitalism (imperialism is monopoly capitalism), is transformed from democracy to political reaction. Free competition requires democracy, but monopoly requires political reaction.” 7
In the United States, not only people who oppose violence were suppressed, but people who championed nonviolence have also been slaughtered. In 1968, a black American minister named Martin Luther King was murdered by the United States imperialists because he opposed racial discrimination and fought for civil rights. In line with total political reaction, imperialism has also degenerated in its ideology and culture. In imperialist countries, publications and movies devoted to violence and sex have flooded the market. In California, there have been thirty companies specializing in making sex movies. In the capitalist world, strange clothing, modern dances, and “Beatles” music bands have been common, and exhibitions of “impressionist” art painted by monkeys have been much in vogue. International contests of women “crying” and crawling races for babies under a year old are reported to have taken place. The culture and art under imperialism have been rotten to the core. Criminal activities such as theft and robbery and gangsterism and drug abuse have reached crisis proportions.
Facing this rotten society, many youths perceive a spiritual void, feeling that life is empty and meaningless and without a future. Some United States historians think that the United States “faces a situation in which the people have lost faith in their ideals, system, and future” and “are plagued by numerous crises.” Some are even more blunt: “Our crises, which are spiritual social system” ( in nature, can be traced to the obvious failure of our self-inflating capitalist Newsweek, July 6, 1970). Amidst the profound contradictions of imperialism, a few progressive elements gradually wake up to accept Marxism and reestablish the Marxist party and organization, unite the masses, and engage in resolute struggle against the imperialist system.
The parasitic and decaying nature of imperialism which results from the basic characteristic of imperialism, namely, monopoly, reveals that imperialism is merely a paper tiger. It looks fierce, but in fact it does not have much strength. The masses are the ones with real power, not imperialism or reactionaries. Just as Chairman Mao pointed out, “From a strategic viewpoint, or a long-run viewpoint, or looking at their substance, we must in effect treat imperialism and all reactionaries as paper tigers.” 8
Imperialism Is Dying Capitalism the Intensification of the Contradiction between the Proletariat and the Bourgeoisie within the Imperialist Countries
Stalin said: “Lenin called imperialism ‘dying capitalism.’ Why? Because imperialism carries the contradictions of capitalism to their end. What follows is the beginning of revolution.” 9 When capitalism develops into the monopoly stage, the basic contradictions between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and the capitalist nature of society have not changed. However, in the imperialist stage, monopoly has not only pushed social production to a larger scale but has also brought about even more concentration of the private ownership of the means of production. The development of the basic contradictions of capitalism intensifies all external and internal contradictions of imperialism. Chairman Mao pointed out,
“The intensification of the contradiction between the two classes (the proletariat and the bourgeoisie), the development of contradictions between monopoly and competitive capital, the intensification of contradictions between the suzerain and the colonies, and the acute manifestation of contradictions among imperialist countries due to their uneven development led to a special stage of capitalism, namely, imperialism.” 10
Because of the serious intensification of all external and internal contradictions in imperialist countries, imperialism becomes dying capitalism, and the eve of proletarian socialist revolution draws near.
To pursue high monopoly profits, the monopoly bourgeoisie doubles its efforts to exploit and plunder the workers and push millions of laboring masses to the brink of starvation. The monopoly bourgeoisie devises various intensive labor systems, raises labor intensity, worsens labor conditions, and indiscriminately and incessantly increases its exploitation of the workers. The bourgeoisie also consciously relies on inflation to reduce real wages and lower purchasing power. For example, in the 19631970 period, prices and the cost-of-living increased yearly in major capitalist countries because of inflation. In this period, the United States’ cost of living increased 26.8 percent. In Britain, it increased 35.3 percent; in France, 30.9 percent; in West Germany, 20.6 percent; and in Japan, 44.4 percent. Wages, however, did not increase sufficiently to offset inflation and the increasing cost of living. The livelihood of the laboring people worsened further. Through the government, monopoly capital plundered the laboring masses even more with excessive taxation. In the 19401970 period, tax revenue in the United States increased by sixteen times, from 16.5 billion dollars in 1940 (20 percent of the national income) to 278 billion dollars in 1970 (35 percent of the national income). Heavy taxation weighed down the laboring people, choking them breathless.
To protect its economic interests, monopoly capital inevitably resorts to fascist dictatorship to intensify the suppression of the workers through the state machinery. Overall political reaction is a natural political reflection of a monopoly capitalist economy. To implement fascist dictatorship and to suppress the people, imperialism expands the reactionary government machinery to a horrifying extent. Take the United States for example, where one out of every twenty people is an employee of the reactionary state machinery.
The ruthless economic exploitation and bloodthirsty political suppression of the proletariat by the monopoly bourgeoisie intensify the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. The heavier the oppression, the stronger the resistance. The daily awakening of millions of members of the proletariat and the laboring masses continuously wages revolutionary struggle against the capitalist system.
Since the Second World War, especially in recent years, strong and massive worker movements have come into existence. The struggle against imperialism is intensifying. According to obviously deflated official United States figures, in 1970 United States workers were on strike 5,600 times and 3.3 million workers participated. In 1971, both a nationwide strike involving 500,000 telephone workers and a strike involving 160,000 railway workers occurred. In the strikes, the workers chanted the combat slogan of “oppose (aggressive) wars, oppose poverty, oppose oppression,” and they increasingly combined economic struggle with political struggle. According to official data from Britain (also obviously deflated), in 1970 there were 3,888 strikes with 1.65 million workers participating. In 1971, 13.5 million workdays were lost in connection with strikes in Britain. The revolutionary struggles of the Japanese working class have also gathered strength. According to official Japanese statistics, the number of so-called “labor-capital disputes” (actually struggles of the worker against the capitalist) increased from 1,345 in 1955 to 5,283 in 1969, an increase of 2.9 times. In the same period, the number participating increased from 3.748 million to 14.483 million, an increase of about three times.
The mushrooming development of worker movements is a revolt by a vital organ of imperialism. It promotes the further deterioration of capitalist economic and political crises and incessantly deals serious blows to the rule of monopoly capital. The fate of imperialism is increasingly precarious.
The Contradiction between Imperialism and the Oppressed Nations Widens
“Colonies were seized with gunpowder and swords.” 11 After it has seized colonies and semi-colonies with force, imperialism ruthlessly exploits and enslaves these areas and nations. To exercise political control, it buttresses puppets, stations armed forces, and establishes military bases. To facilitate economic exploitation, it forcibly opens trading ports, controls customs and external trade, monopolizes money and finance, and forcibly seizes 136 the rights to mine, operate factories, and navigate on inland waterways. To obtain high monopoly profits, the imperialist country ruthlessly exploits and oppresses the people of the colonies and semi-colonies. The contradictions between imperialism and the oppressed nations are aggravated to an unprecedented degree. Imperialism controls the economic pulse of the colonies and semi-colonies and colludes with local feudal power and comprador capital to restrict the development of their national economies. Imperialism also resorts to various measures to force the national economies of the colonies and semi-colonies to be “simplified,” that is, to produce only a few commodities required by foreign monopoly organizations, and thus cause their economic development to be lopsided and abnormal. As a result, the economies of these areas cannot be independent or self-sufficient, but can only rely on imperialism.
Since the Second World War, new upsurges have been appearing continuously in the national liberation movements of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Many countries and areas have freed themselves from the fetters of imperialism and colonialism and have started on their independent roads. However, imperialism will never automatically retreat from the large areas of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. In addition to their usual colonial measures, they have increasingly resorted to neocolonial measures and have vainly attempted, under the guise of economic “aid,” to further their vicious scheme of controlling these newly emerging independent countries. Through “aid,” the capitalists have sought to dump their surplus goods and have used “aid” as a means of selling commodities. Through “aid,” they have sought to control the economic policy of the recipient countries and control the development of these national economies. When some countries have refused to buy this imperialist trick, the imperialists have resorted to aggression and subversion and have gathered reactionary forces to instigate coups d’état and overthrow progressive governments that have opposed imperialism and insisted on national independence.
The cruel plunder and bloodstained enslavement have widened and intensified the contradictions between the imperialists and the oppressed nations and peoples. From the day when the imperialist bandits set their feet on the sacred land of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, the oppressed nations and people who dearly treasure their freedom and independence have taken up stones, bows and arrows, spears, and artilleries to deal blows to imperialism. The heavier the exploitation and the tighter the oppression by imperialism, the more intense has become the resistance struggle of the oppressed nations and peoples. After the October Revolution, the national liberation movement ushered in a new historical era, constituting part of the proletarian socialist world revolution. The national liberation movements and the proletarian revolutionary movements in the imperialist countries are interrelated and mutually supporting. The colonies and semi-colonies, once the reserve army of imperialism, have now become the reserve army of the proletarian world revolution. Just as Chairman Mao pointed out,
“The revolutionary storm which has swept over Asia, Africa, and Latin America will surely deal a decisive and demolishing blow to the whole old world.” 12
The Intensification of Contradictions among Imperialist Countries
Imperialism’s struggle to divide the world economically and territorially has intensified the contradictions among the imperialist countries. Their struggles for hegemony and territory and their mutual fighting and massacring will really help the oppressed and exploited nations rise up to revolt.
The increasingly uneven economic and political development among capitalist countries in the imperialist stage further intensifies the contradictions among the imperialist countries.
Lenin pointed out, “Uneven economic and political development is the absolute law of capitalism.” 13 In the capitalist world, some countries develop faster, and others slower. Some countries even advance by leaps and bounds in certain periods of time. The uneven economic development among the capitalist countries inevitably leads to uneven political development. In other words, uneven economic development must inevitably lead to changes in the relative strength of the imperialist countries.
The law of uneven economic and political development has played a role in the whole history of capitalism. However, in the imperialist period, this uneven development of capitalism intensifies. In the second half of the nineteenth century, England, an old capitalist country, seized a great number of colonies and assumed a monopoly position in the world. Her relatively easy and complacent position of manipulating high profits from her territories all over the world lulled her into stagnation in technology and production. Meanwhile, armed with new technology, the capitalist countries which arose later, especially the United States and Germany, accelerated their development. In the 1880s, the United States had already caught up with England and had taken the lead in world industrial production, and by the early twentieth century, Germany had also surpassed England, assuming second place in world industrial production. The shift in the relative positions of economic strength had brought about a relative shift in political power. Following the shift of the balance of power, the countries began to struggle to redivide their spheres of influence and colonies.
Since the Second World War, the law of uneven economic and political development among imperialist countries has continued to play a role. Its characteristics have been: the decline of the United States, the continued decline of England, the rapid ascension of West Germany and Japan, and the substantial gains of Italy and France. In the twenty years from 1949 to 1969, the annual average growth rates in the national product of these countries 138 were: the United. States — 3.9 percent in the first ten years and 4.3 percent in the second ten years; England — 2.5 percent in the first ten years and 3 percent in the second ten years; West Germany — 7.4 percent in the first ten years and 5.2 percent in the second ten years; France — 4.5 percent in the first ten years and 5.9 percent in the second ten years; Italy — 6.1 percent in the first ten years and 5.6 percent in the second ten years; Japan — more than 10 percent for the whole period. New and uneven conditions appeared in their relative strength in terms of industrial production, capital and commodity exports, and international financial positions. The intensification of uneven economic and political development among the imperialist countries inevitably intensified the struggles among them for markets and supply bases for raw materials and for outlets for capital exports.
The operation of the law of uneven economic and political development inevitably led to wars and slaughter among the imperialist countries, thus revealing their weak links. These then became favorable conditions for the proletariat and the revolutionary peoples to bury imperialism. In his study of the laws of imperialist development, Lenin arrived at an important conclusion: Because of their uneven economic and political development, the imperialist battlefront will be smashed at its weakest link, and socialist revolution will first triumph in one or several countries. Lenin not only created a revolutionary theory for our achievement of victory; he also set a brilliant example of how to carry out revolution. In the First World War, Russia was the focal point of all contradictions in imperialism at that time and was also the weakest link in the imperialist chain. Lenin seized this link and led the Russian proletariat to launch the great socialist October Revolution, overthrow the Russian bourgeois dictatorship with revolutionary violence, establish the world’s first socialist country under proletarian dictatorship, and usher in a new era in human history. After the Second World War, the great victory of the national revolutions in China and other countries of Asia and Europe further confirmed the accuracy of Lenin’s scientific theory.
The outbreak of the two world wars, the victorious march of the proletarian socialist revolutions, and the upsurge of national liberation movements further aggravated imperialism’s political, economic, and social crises.
Although immense changes have occurred in the world, the imperialist period is not yet over. Chairman Mao often teaches us: We are still in the period of imperialism and proletarian revolution. Lenin’s scientific analysis of imperialism based on the fundamental principles of Marxism is entirely correct. The basic principle of Leninism is not outdated; today it still remains the theoretical basis of our thought.
The life of imperialism will not be long. It is parasitic and dying capitalism on the eve of proletarian socialist revolution. But it will never retreat from the historical stage of its own free will. The nature of imperialism determines that the closer it draws to the end of its life, the more desperately it will struggle for survival. We must realize that imperialism is basically weak, a paper tiger. We must cultivate a bold spirit, daring to struggle and being good at struggle. And we must unite the revolutionary peoples of the world to carry the struggle against imperialism to the end.
“Make trouble, fail, make trouble again, fail again until doom — this is the logic used by imperialism and all reactionary groups of the world to deal with the people’s uprisings. They will never deviate from this logic” 14
Making trouble is an expression of the desperate struggle of imperialism; to be doomed to failure until its elimination is the inevitable destiny of imperialist development. No one can change this law of history.
Major Study References
Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, chaps. 710.
Lenin, “Imperialism and the Split in the Socialist Movement.”
Chairman Mao, “Talk with American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong.”
Review Problems
1. Why do we say that imperialism and all reactionaries are paper tigers?
2. Why do we say that imperialism is the eve of proletarian socialist revolution?
14 Footnotes
